What is India's Water Future?

Introduction
The topic of this essay suggests that while commentators narrate and argue about economics, international relations and political sovereignty, the question of whether India is an emerging political giant is factorial. Factorial because resource management, sustainable development and how the culture and politics of the Indian population emerge in a post “climate change” world will determine whether India is a political giant, just another giant or a giant problem! Using select topics, this essay argues that India’s interaction and management of fresh water issues are vital for its determination as a future giant civilisation.

Fresh water has nurtured and sustained many civilisations, ancient and modern, including China, Egypt, Mesopotamia and the focus here, the future hydrological aspirations of India. However in comparative terms water as an essential human and ecological need makes up barely a tenth, of a thousandth, of all the liquid water on Earth (Ball, 1999: 22). Mostly when visualising rivers in the abstract, they are seen as the dark blue curved line on a map. But this is only a small, final, part of the fresh water dynamics in a landscape. A river is the sum of, or the collection in a larger geographic area, of a basin or catchment as a “funnel like” harvest of rainfall or precipitation, captured and flowing as run off, either on the surface, over land or as groundwater through rock strata, by the force of gravity to a low point at sea level (Davie, 2003: 151).

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Sustained quantities of fresh, potable water for India’s population is problematic because of the diversity and immense interaction between culture and landscape. Modern India is a union of 35 states and territories that in the year 1900 had a population of 238 million, expanding to 1.03 billion in 2001. India is now the second most populous country in the world. This population has 28% urban residents and 72% rural dwellers, in approximately 600,000 villages. The 3,287726 square kilometres of India’s political borders is made up of 13 river basins, some shared with neighbouring states, in major geographic regions of the Himalayan Mountains, the Indo-Gangetic Plain, the Great Indian Desert, the Deccan Plateau and the Coastal Mountain Belts, with climates, from tropical wet, semi arid and arid(Fereidoun, 2007: 319).

Metaphorically, river basins or catchments can also be viewed as harvesting the cultural and political flow of the population from highland to lowland and countryside to urban dwelling. This interaction of the population with the “landscape” is also a creation of the “human mind” where the scenery is built up from the "strata" of memory and history, incorporating the physical influence and exploitation of rivers flowing over and through the landscape where a population dwells (Schama, 1995: 7).

Climate Change
Although an environmental imperative, climate change is also a current fashionable topic of political debate. This debate oftentimes hinders and confuses the prophecies, forecasts and predictions of climate change and the focus of India’s response to this challenge needs clarification. Firstly, with an increase in global temperatures glacial melt in the Himalayan Mountains would effect the amount of water run-off into rivers. This water runoff dictates the rapidity and volume of a river's water flow. Two geographical and cultural significant rivers, the Ganga and Yumuna are dependant on the summer melting of glaciers for a uniform perennial water supply. Complete melting of Himalayan glaciers would result in an initial catastrophic flooding of the plains and deltas followed by a water shortage as the water table lowers from the lack of snow melt replenishment (Chengappa, 2007: 42).

Secondly, a major characteristic of India’s weather is orographic precipitation, where rainfall, especially from water bearing air masses crossing the Arabian Sea, are forced to rise over India’s mountain ranges unloading Monsoon on the landscape. A significant feature of orographic precipitation/rainfall is that it leaves the opposite side of the mountain range, water poor, or technically in a “rain shadow” creating an arid region. This is the primary reason for the engineering of an inter-basin water transfer system discussed below, which involves moving water from abundant river basins to water poor river basins (Davie, 2003: 13).

Monsoon’s and their continuation are not just important for economic growth but the livelihood of a population who over the centuries, through custom and practice, have become dependant on them for agricultural production. As an indicator of the dependence of the Indian economy and peoples lives on Monsoon, the revenue targets for 2004-5 financial year were based on a projected growth of a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of 6 to 6.5% which are now uncertain because of the late arrival of the Monsoon and the extra spending needed for drought relief and a slow down in economic growth. Monsoon failure in India due to climate change would be catastrophic (Ahluwalia, 2007: 74).

One might argue that the climate change debate has no justification for a critique in India’s economic growth because the country’s per capita green house emissions contributing to climate change is 25 times less than the average of the United States and 15 times less than the European average. As the Indian Secretary for Ministry of Environment and Forests, Prodipto Ghosh has said (Chengappa, 2007: 41),

India is certainly not responsible for the mess.
We are in fact victims of it. So why expect us
to tighten our belts?

Unfortunately half a billion of India’s population could be affected by a loss in water supply and a forecasted sea level rise of 40 cm will create 50 million homeless people, not including, possible environmental refugees from Bangladesh, South Coast Pakistan and Eastern parts of coastal Burma. India’s emergence as a giant is dependent on how the Indian Government plans and prepares for climate change.

Colonial Influence
For thousands of years small-scale irrigation has been practiced in India and in the 19Th century British colonialists started major engineering works for agriculture in the landscape. Between 1836 and 1854 they built three large projects, developing the Upper Ganga Canal in Uttar Pradesh, the Upper Bari Doah Canal in Punjab and the Godavari Deta System in Andhra Pradesh, all to improve the mercantile economy and agricultural production of the colony (Fereidoun, G. 2007: 321).

However one of the most damaging legacies of British colonialism was to be the dispute over the Farraka Barrage on the Ganga River. The barrage diverts water into the Bhagirathi River with the intent of improving facilities at the port of Calcutta by flushing silt from the connecting lower reaches of the Hooghly River. The two tragic consequences of this project were to deprive East Pakistan/Bangladesh of valuable dry season water flows and create one myth of Indian malicious intent toward Bangladesh (Crow, 1995: 71).

Perhaps the major factor in the Farraka Barrage dispute is the multiple reports written only to allay fears over the viability of Calcutta’s port and the ignorance to comprehend the impacts on the geographic region. Between 1853 and 1952 there were 11 reports into the Hooghly, Bhagirathi and Ganga River impacts on Calcutta’s future as a harbour with the longest research, of 9 years, being conducted between 1896 and 1905. Two of these reports recommended relocating Calcutta’s harbour facilities (Crow, 1995: 35). One might argue that this indecision and poor leadership created a legacy of dispute, mistrust and resentment toward Calcutta’s inhabitants but it is difficult to believe that it was specifically created to agitate the future Bangladeshi Government because these political and environmental river machinations were commenced before partition of India and East Pakistan/Bangladesh. Unfortunately this realisation does not alleviate the hardship of the current population who endure an ongoing cycle of extreme flooding and drought exacerbated by water diversion to Calcutta.

Moreover one might argue that blaming the previous colonial masters for river problems of the present will not help India “emerge as a giant” but may explain the difficulty of being free of two scientific locations. Firstly the long term ecological management and conservation of river basins versus the economics and competition of food production, manufacturing, trade and commerce. Also contemporary Calcutta may have inherited an outlook of a Western European Metropolis from an enclave of euro-centric science that is intellectually divorced from the Bangladeshi landscape. Therefore hydrological science inherited from colonialists and applied in Calcutta may have failed to appreciate the need of the region over the needs of the city (Kumar, 2006: 8).

Furthermore language use and perception, such as the word “landscape,” a 16th century language import from the Dutch “lanschap,” defines "landscape" as a unit of human occupation or a jurisdiction with the ideal of reclaiming land from the sea and liberating from nature, a creation site of human culture, which may contribute to a Euro-centric outlook. Therefore the environmental history, in the example of the Farraka Barrage pertains to India inheriting the British colonial example of taking, exploiting and exhausting not only the landscape but also the traditional cultures through economic aggression rather than long-term ecological management(Schama, 1995: 13).

The wider implications of this attitude, perception or belief of the colonial inheritance of environmental exploitation is that “development” be it sustainable, economic or technological is not just associated with rivers but imperative for India as a “river landscape” because demand is outstripping the capacity for natural resources to fuel economic growth. Sustainable use of natural resources between the domains of environment, cultural protection and economic development could be achieved through public participation, inter-agency cooperation, national and local government coordination (Raman, 2007: 53).

One might argue it will be the response and cooperation of India’s government, business sector and population that will determine what kind of giant India will become. In 1948, just after Indian independence A. C. Egerton, in address to the Royal Society, (Kumar, 2006: 228) articulates a balanced approach to finding a way for India becoming a “giant;”

Do not be to attracted by all the glamour of western technology, it is wonderful but we in some ways have industrialised too far and not made the world happier thereby. You have a chance of distilling the best out of the West and fitting it into the age old civilisation of the East. If you can improve husbandry and the state of villagers with out going for too great a concentration of industry you may in the end gain greater happiness. The key note should be to copy and westernise but to fit the best of the new into the best of the old civilisation.

However one might argue that Edgerton’s speech is a softening of condemnation for the colonisation process to justify, legitimise and authorise European rule. At the beginning of the 21st century a lingering Euro-centric view of Indian engineering, hydrology and mathematics is argued by both British and Indian historians, that it was as at its best in ancient times and fell from grace during Mughal rule. But in reality these were reflections of the development of European science and technology from the dark ages, while Indian science came from waves of continuous and vigorous Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian manuscripts that were just not applied to industrialisation (Rahman, 1982; 20-21).

The British colonial era saw a major expansion in water storage, transfer and irrigation that as a legacy has continued and intensified since 1947. In the year 2000 India’s population reached 1.03 billion people with a forecast of it increasing to 1.8 billion by 2050. At present the average annual run off of water is 1800 cubic metres per person but by 2050 it will fall to 1000 cubic metres per person, suggesting that India is water stressed (Fereidoun, 2007: 342). Kates, (2005: 10) argues that India’s success at gaining national independence from the British and its aspiration of economic development to provide for the basic necessities to the poor has ignored or been blinded to the fact that the environment does not exist as a space separate from human actions, ambitions and needs. Moreover “development” has become an accusatory word used by former imperialists to dictate how poor nations should be governed to alleviate poverty. Emphatically the environment is where people live and development is what governments do to improve that abode and therefore the two become inseparable.

Inter-Basin Water Transfer
India’s dams have mostly been built for the purpose of irrigation and some for hydro power generation with half of the large projects built between 1970 and 1989. Most urban supplies of dam water feed the cities of Bangalore, Chennai, Delhi, Hyderabad and Mumbai for industrial manufacture of steel, fertiliser and textiles. In India there are approximately 4291 dams higher than 10 metres and 2342 dams higher than 15 metres (Fereidoun, 2007: 323).

Table 1: Dams higher than 10 metres (Fereidoun, 2007: 323).

Province------------------------No.
Gujarat-------------------------537
Madhy Pradesh-------------------1093
Maharashtra---------------------1529
Other Provinces-----------------1132
Total---------------------------4291

An increasing population demanding more food and protection from drought, flooding and the consequences of climate change have made current dams inadequate for the needs of the population because of the imbalance of water availability across the country. However the west flowing rivers of Brahmaputra, Ganga/Maharati and Godavari have large storage's of water that could be transferred to water deficit areas for the development of irrigation, hydro-power generation, domestic and industrial water use (Fereidoun, 2007: 330).

The National River Linking Project is a plan to transfer water from the water rich northeast or Himalayan Rivers to the water poor, Peninsula Rivers in southwest of India. The Indian National Water Development Agency (INMDA) has been carrying out feasibility studies since 1982 with the concept included in the 1987 National Water Policy and reiterated in a 2002 policy statement. Recently in response to public interest litigation the Indian Supreme Court has ordered the Indian Government to complete the project within ten years and be fully operational by 2016. The project will transfer 173 billion cubic metres of water from the Ganga, Brahmaputra and Teesa Rivers through a series of canals, weirs, reservoirs and pipelines to the states of Utar Pradesh, Rajastan Maharashtra, Gujarat, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu at a cost of over $US 120 billion (Ahmad, 2003: 1).

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However Environment Impact Statements (EIA) in India are not reliable because of the lack of data for the different climatic zones, landscapes, culture and traditions that produce India's diversity of lifestyles, terrains, flora and fauna. No standard environmental information database exists because it is viewed as a complex, cumbersome and a time consuming exercise. EIA for development projects is presently seen as a project level instrument and does not address the programs at the policy and planning level (Ramman, 2007: 69). One might suggest that if EIA are not addressed at the policy level then the cultural, social and spiritual impacts will have consequences more immediate in antagonising the population to when construction attacks there personal beliefs and landscape. Moreover India's natural world will be decimated because of a lack of knowledge about the state of the environment.

Mega-Hydrological projects are not unique for development, nation building or as a panacea for water supply issues and problems. One might suggest they are a perquisite for “Emerging Giants.” Jawaharlal Nehru’s (Dixit, 2007: 1) proclamation of Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai has a hydrological simile can be visualised through China’s Three Gorges Dam Project, the worlds biggest hydroelectric scheme on the Yangtze River in central China will build a dam wall 175 m high and 2.3 km long generating 18, 200 MW of electricity costing $US 30 billion. This will reduce China’s coal consumption by 40 million tonnes a year, the equivalent of 12 nuclear power stations. Flooding in the worst year on record, 1954 killed 30,000 people and the Three Gorges will mitigate most of this disaster event. However the reservoir is 630 km to 690 km long and just over a kilometre across and will inundate 13 cities, 140 towns and 1352 villages relocating 1.2 million people. Farmers will be forced to move to less fertile land losing productivity. Furthermore the sediment build up will be as far as the biggest river port in South West China, Chonqing. Like the proponents of the Indian River Linking project, Three Gorges Dam is decreed to have benefits that outweigh the severity of the human cost (Ball, 1999: 333-4).

One might suggest that “Western” critics are hypocritical when they venerate the achievements of their heritage, such as, 1st century AD Roman engineering of Nimes in Provence, France. Where the inhabitants decided they needed more water for their city than the landscape had available. Citizens spent 100 million sesterces building a massive symbol of human ingenuity. Near Uzes, north of Nimes, Roman engineers found a water source strong enough to irrigate the baths and fountains of their city and made plans to divert water 50 miles through mountains and across valleys in a system of aqueducts and underground pipes. When engineers came to the cavernous gorge of the Gad River they erected a 3 tiered aqueduct, 360 metres long, 48 metres high, capable of carrying 35,000 cubic metres of water a day, so the inhabitants of Nimes would not have to suffer the indignity of a shallow bath (de Botton, 2000: 106).

The construction of the National River Linking Project has serious consequences for the people of India when it inundates 8, 000 square kilometres of fertile land and displaces 3 million people. Unlike the Chinese and Roman examples the Indian project has international dilemmas because the scale of the construction has unknown environmental and economic outcomes for neighbouring Bangladesh and Nepal. Moreover the construction of Mega-Dams in the Himalayan Mountains risks the triggering of earthquakes in a seismically active region. Also dams will reduce the flow of sediment loads of the Ganga and Bramhaputra River which carry an average of 1.7-2.4 x 109 tonnes per year to an Indian and Bangladeshi river delta with an area of 20, 000 km2. Dams would trap sediment upstream with impacts on fisheries, forestry, coastline stability and a social cost for people who depend on these areas for their livelihood (Fereidoun, 2007: 336).

Gender
From a feminist perspective, one might argue, that the building of large-scale projects such as the National River Linking Project does not adequately address the needs of women and family members who would benefit more from small scale targeted programs. In natural disasters such as flooding, women are more affected than men because they are restricted to the home with responsibilities of an extended family. Social or cultural objections often mean that women have never learned to swim or engaged in physical play that would give them skills in climbing and running to escape the impacts of natural disasters. Indian clothing fashion, saris and long garments hamper the movement when carrying young children, babies or assisting the infirm. Women carry the responsibility of giving birth, caring for children, the sick and elderly. During disasters and construction projects when male members of the family are absent, the risk of a break down in law and order increases the risk of women as victims in exploitive behaviours. Loss of employment or a partner can result in sexual harassment and a reliance on prostitution for food or a livelihood and in developing regions one of the few opportunities to avert poverty (FOCUS, 2007: 31).

The focus on women’s issues pertaining to their life dependant on a river and water development may provide an alternative to building a massive dam project. A micro personal empowerment project would achieve similar outcomes for the population and allow people to work with the landscape instead of trying to change it for human consumption. Emergency preparation, disaster readiness, the teaching of boat/raft handling techniques, as well as swimming, rescue skills and first aid are methods that can enrich communities and benefit the country by increasing the skill base and adaptability of its citizens. Moreover flood proofing, design; mobile health clinics and limited relocation add flexibility to natural disaster areas. It could be argued that innovation in cultural expectations and female empowerment would help people in water troubled areas to adapt to their conditions rather than attempting to change the landscape with mega engineering project. The choice India can make as an emerging giant is to either invest in mega-engineering projects or in the knowledge enterprise and resourcefulness of its citizens (FOCUS, 2007: 31).

Spiritual Impacts
In spite of the diversity of landscape and culture in Indian traditions, one might argue there is an overriding belief and respect for religious values relating to wealth, beauty, longevity, health, food, love and children and the association of these values with rivers. Simon Schama (1995: 13-15) argues that national and cultural identities would lose their captivation if they did not have the mysticism of the associated landscape and a traditional topography that is elaborately mapped as a “homeland.” One might argue that rivers are such a dynamic part of a landscape that one can understand their mystical veneration.
Religious leaders deal with ecological change by separating the domains of Hinduism and science. Hinduism is not necessarily opposed to the differences between modernity and tradition but incorporate them into the argument. These two domains are so specialised that that they do not converge, which minimilises but does not eliminate ideological conflict (Alley, 2000: 378) Rivers are created by the merging of a multitude of tiny streams and rivulets that are sometimes dry and with no immediate obvious source. But whether they are minor or major, most have a particular spot that is identified as a spiritual or magical source, which becomes a site of worship and pilgrimage. This cultural construction of the landscape is usually accepted as tradition and the “source spot” becomes the location of temples, tanks, steps and structures to facilitate pilgrim visits (Feldhaus, 1995: 21).

India has relatively abundant water but rivers and urban supplies have become highly polluted and most of the population does not have basic sanitation systems or access to clean water and consequently dysentery, cholera, typhoid and hepatitis become health care burdens rather than just issues. Water in nature does have the ability to clean itself and modern inputs of organic waste, rotting vegetables, excrement and even crude oil, can be biodegraded by bacteria, consumed and metabolised and passed along the biogeochemical cycle in the landscape. Most components of domestic sewage may persist for only days to weeks in the environment but self-cleansing has its limits (Ball. 1999: 324). It is difficult to comprehend how Indian society could fail to understand the burden of polluted water but people have acquired this mystical belief in water, on the one hand and solid waste on the other that overwhelms the landscape with pollution. In India, water is considered the universal cleanser, whose rivers and lakes are the most contaminated in the world yet are accorded a supernatural quality of purification (Ball, 1999: 325).

Religious practitioners make a distinction between purity and cleanliness when considering waste water having an impact on people and the environment. For instance the “Mother Ganga” could become unclean but she could never be impure. Spiritually the river Ganga is a Goddess who possesses the power to absorb and absolve human and worldly impurities and can stave off the degenerating contempt of Indian societies without defiling herself. Water pollution through spiritual acts of purity, fertility and worship by ablution is a counter argument to government criticism. Water health programs and accusatory officials are claimed by religious leaders and gurus that they are the ones who actually create the pollution they claim to control because of corruption and inefficiency (Alley, 2000:358).

Separate domains of action exist in the population where Indian Government departments administer resource development and management through the judiciary and political enforcement. Litigious rules and regulations with the consequent fines and penalties supposedly control navigation, fisheries, dams, water extraction and natural disaster response. However religious institutions, sectarian organizations, temple committees and trusts although not legally recognised are respected by the population as a moral truth. Moreover religious practice uses ablutions, meditations and worship from sacred texts, folk and oral narratives that teach empower and obligate a person to enter a sacred place. But unlike the government officials, priests and holy men do not punish people for their transgressions but teach and direct them through spiritual practice and ritual (Alley, 2000: 378).

Conversely religious practice and precedent can inhibit and restrain development solutions. For instance, Ahluwalia (2005: 59) argues that a major decline in public saving of 1.7% of GDP in 1996-7 to -2.7% 2001-2002 is because the government borrowed money to finance fiscal deficits from expenses in food and fertiliser subsidies, which resulted in a budgetary burden of 1.4% in 2002-2003. Ironically in rural areas where fertiliser is in demand, human excrement is flushed away with gallons of water rather than composted for its nutrients. Indian’s can spread animal dung in a garden or burn it for stove fires but their own excrement induces such revulsion when it can be composted into dark crumbly fertiliser within a year (Ball, 1999: 325).

Conclusion
India is a country, state or nation defined by its river basins and water is a public policy, economic development and spiritual issue that will have impacts for many years into the future. How India manages its fresh water and the populations’ response to water issues will determine whether it will be a giant civilisation, just another giant or a giant problem. Its river basin’s are not only catchments of precipitation or Monsoon but social, cultural and political needs and challenges of highland, lowland urban and rural citizens. Planning for climate change and associated sea level rise needs to start now even though the West is responsible for the problem and hypocritically denigrates developing countries for not modernising by “Western” standards! India will only be a giant if it survives and prospers after this global environmental change.

As A.C. Egerton (Kumar, 2006: 228) says, India’s colonial history and legacy can be an asset to its development as a giant because it adds to the diverse richness of its culture, which should be unifying, rather than a divisive force. Dam building and the National River Linking Project need further study and careful examination because of the lack of a comprehensive environmental and cultural information database. So too the building of mega infrastructure in a seismically sensitive area of the Himalayas needs careful planning even if this hinders economic development. Better to mitigate adversity at first than add to a development burden through creating or contributing to natural disasters.

Big development projects, such as dam building, are not only aspirational for India but are the nationalistic goals created impart by precedents and pressures in the global community of prestige and “giant building” as evidenced by the distant and recent historical precedents of civilisations 1st century Roman, Nimes and the modern day Chinese State. Mega development projects such as dams could be replaced by a shift in attitude toward women’s needs by empowering and training them to cope with natural diasters such as flooding and finding new ways to survive and prosper in the river basin landscape. This type of training would raise the skill level and adaptability of the population and India could become a giant through investing in the skills of its population, especially the wasted talents of its female citizenry, rather than constructing new built landscapes.

Indian government and officials have a major challenge in “winning the hearts and minds” of its citizens when compared to the religious gurus who are resident in the community they influence. These Gurus do not punish with litigious fines and imprisonment but teach and encourage through religious practice and ritual. This gives religious leaders and not government organizations a greater moral authority in the eyes of the population. If India can merge the two domains of government management and spiritual encouragement then perhaps it will be a giant never seen before.

Selected References.
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Ball, P. 1999, H2O: A Biography of Water, Phoenix Publishing, London.
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Davie, T. 2003, Fundamentals of Hydrology, Routledge, London.
de Botton, A. 2000, Consolations of Philosophy, Penguin Books, London.
Feldhaus, A. 1995, Water and Womanhood – Religious meanings of Rivers in Maharastra, Oxford University Press, New York.
Fereidoun, G. and White I. 2007, Inter-Basin Water Transfer, Case Studies from Australia, United States, Canada, China and India, Cambridge University Press, New York.
Kumar, D. 2006, Science and the Raj; A Study of British India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
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Schama, S. 1995, Landscape and Memory, Vintage Books, New York.
Chengappa, R. “Apocalypse Now,” India Today, April 23, 2007, pp. 38-44.
FOCUS “Gender: Mother Load,” The Magazine of Australia’s Overseas Aid Program, Volume 22, No. 2, May-August 2007, pg. 31.
Kates, R. W. “What is Sustainable Development? Goals, Indicators, Values and Practice, Environment Magazine, Science and Policy for Sustainable Development, Volume 47, No. 3, April 2005, Heldreff Publications, pp. 9-21.
Dixit, J.N. Ultimate Idealist: Jawaharlal Nehru,
www.india-today.com/itody/millennium/100people/nehru.html
visited May 2007.